GORILY V PODSVETI PDF

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gustav murin gorily v podsveti pdf. Quote. Postby Just» Tue Aug 28, am. Looking for gustav murin gorily v podsveti pdf. Will be grateful for any help!. Gorily v podsvetí by Gustáv Murín is History História slovenského podsvetia od primitívneho výpalníctva až po najväčšiu korupčnú aféru Gorila. Koniec veľkých. Murín G. (), Gorily v podsvetí, vinttililmelu.ga, Marenčin PT, Bratislava. Midulová K. (), Mediální reprezentace kauzy Gorila v slovenských a českých médiích.


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ČT (), 'Novodobí otroci v Česku se teď rekrutují z řad Rumunů a Bulharů', online, available . Murín G (), Gorily v podsvetí, Bratislava, Marečnin PT. Gorily v podsvetí. By: Gustáv Murín Koniec veľkých mafiánskych bosov a nástup mafie v bielych rukavičkách. Štvrťstoročie lúpežného. history. Gorily v podsvetí. By: Gustáv Murín. História slovenského podsvetia od primitívneho výpalníctva až po najväčšiu korupčnú aféru Gorila.

Innes A. Epstein, W. Jacoby, pp. Jebril N. Kupka P. Kumar K. Lyman R. Mikulka M. Mungiu-Pippidi A. Gross, K. Nicholson T.

Petrova M. Porta D. Prat A. Anderson, J. Waldfogel, D. Stromberg, Elsevier B. Prosnan M. This article discusses an instance of case-specific self-inflicted partial me- dia capture, acknowledging the chilling effect of legislation consistent with partial state capture.

In general, this case illustrates the ethical and legal dilemmas in the reporting of a specific type of large-scale corruption in the media, which involves the denial of all accusations by most sources and a controversial stand by state au- thorities and politicians on the issue, forcing the media to primarily report rumors or contradictory claims and denials after controversial files regarding the corruption were made public anonymously on the internet or desist from reporting altogether before the files were made public on the internet, due to possible libel threats.

The findings question the normative expectations expressed in democratic theory related to the role of the media as a watchdog, in the specific context of large-scale corruption in post-communist states. Moreover, this paper suggests the need to re-examine the methodological aspects of quantitative content analysis of media coverage of corrup- tion. This paper has also attempted to update the emerging theory on media capture with the term partial case-specific media capture.

Key words: Gorilla, Slovakia, oligarchs, media capture, corruption, state capture, intelligence services, wiretapping, post-communist 1. Introduction T his article examines the media coverage of an alleged large-scale corruption case, the importance of which was initially downplayed by state authorities and the media until a few years later it became the most well-known and extensively-covered although still unproven cor- ruption scandal in the history of the country.

The study investigates what this upside-down change in political and media importance reveals about the role of the media in a post-communist country. The unique circum- stances of the revelations of this case and subsequent events suggest that this situation may be rather similar in many other countries. Moreover, there appears to be an important link between partial state capture and partial media capture.

Gorily v podsveti pdf

In other words, under conditions of partial state capture, the media cannot pursue its social watchdog role absolutely free- ly, without fear of legal and — even more so — financial retributions in the form of penalties and legal costs. Moreover, this paper questions the appropriateness of traditional quantitative content analysis of the media coverage of large-scale corrup- tion under these specific circumstances.

However, academically relevant publications on the virtual absence of initial media coverage of the Gorilla case, the most important corruption case in modern Slovakian history, are lacking, even though these would reveal the challenges associated with reporting, or the demonstrable apathy towards reporting on large-scale corruption on the part of the media.

The extensive media coverage was in sharp contrast with the previous disinterest and prolonged disregard, or at least overly cautious approach, towards the case by the media and journalists among those who knew about the files. Conservative estimates suggest that the file be- came known to selected unauthorized individuals and private institutions, including some editors and journalists, in or around at the latest.

Research questions and methodology The study initially explains the role of the key print media in this par- ticular case including a special sub-case of the newspaper Pravda. The general research question was what the role of the media was within the wider context of the assumed state capture. A related sub-question inves- tigated the actual occurrence of media capture and its causation.

Dzurinda finally spoke out], http: Dzurinda put pressure on investigating corruption!

On the basis of these initial research questions, the paper discov- ered methodological challenges of corruption coverage analysis based on quantitative methods, as well as suggested some drawbacks of political science approaches to issues that do not get official and verified confirma- tion from public authorities.

This later issue is tackled in a separate paper. The former issue is more relevant for an international audience than the results of content analysis of local newspapers. It seems to be an axiom that the media plays a key role in a liberal democracy Dahl, , and may play an important role in emerging democracies Kumar, , p.

This may be consistent with the rather widespread partial or full media capture Besley, Prat, which goes alongside partial or full state capture in many post-communist coun- tries. Although the cited papers discuss general media capture in fact all of the media are seen as captured , our study deals with a case-specific partial self-inflicted media capture.

In other words, our study relates correlation but not necessarily causation partial media capture to a single case-specific , but extremely relevant, situation of partial state capture. The media was free and inter- ested in reporting on many other cases of large-scale corruption, but those who knew about the case initially decided, voluntarily and individually, not to report on it.

This is not to say that all of the media reported on all other large-scale corruption cases. This in itself suggests the high social and political relevance of the case for the media. This case of partial media capture was allegedly caused by strict legislation, which seems to be only a half-truth at best. These legal regulations including regu- lations of the procedural type, in the case of wiretapped materials were later used by the rich and influential to prevent the media from overly specific or allegedly critical one-sided reporting on the case.

These real legal threats at the national level , as it turned out, provide some justi- fication for the media silence about the scandalous information, despite the fact that some had access to incriminating information which was not officially verified. Our further analy- ses suggest possible media timidity in making their initial decision to ignore what turned out to be the most important corruption scandal in the history of Slovakia.

Consequently, we argue that it was not the case that most journalists working for prominent newspapers simply decided to be law-abiding citizens: This overly timid approach by journalists who knew about the Gorilla file provides an ideal illustration of partial media capture.

The sub-case of Pravda is an example of an even more peculiar case of media capture, and is placed in a chronological context after the publication of the file on the internet. Content analysis of coverage in newspapers in this case study main- ly focused on printed versions of selected newspapers. However, he did not men- tion SIS files as its source. Al- though many Slovak dailies and weekly magazines reported on the case, and some are mentioned throughout the study, the general comparison of the overall output covers only these three dailies due to their reputable po- sition and publicly respected status among the major Slovak newspapers.

Their credibility for reporting on the Gorilla case is therefore ques- tionable by definition, and they are not included in the study. The other electronic and digital media, including the news channel TA3, were not included in our analysis due to the lack of original recorded audiovisual or audio sources. Moreover, this type of analysis is very time consuming. Our analysis focused on the period between the time of the publishing of the first article on the Gorilla case in these print media shortly before Christmas , after the Gorilla transcripts appeared on the internet , and the end of January The sufficiency of the period selected for analysis is seemingly justified by the fact that, by February , the press was filled with messages related to the parliamentary election cam- paigns election day was March 10, The analyses were conducted by two researchers independently, before reaching a final consensus to level out disagreements.

Obviously, humans make errors, even experts sometimes do not share the same opinions, and face-to-face consultations were deemed necessary. However, differences and disagreements could not have impacted the overall results and ob- served trends.

We did not perform the reliability test, as it was not found necessary for such a small sample and minor differences. Other method- ological issues were deemed more important, such as those regarding the criteria and categories to use for the assessment of media coverage, and we found many issues challenging, although they were apparently often ignored in similar content analyses.

Consequently, we established a set of qualitative criteria for the analysis of the quality and professionalism of the coverage of the Gorilla case by selected media outlets. Additionally, the Fundamental Values include personal freedom, justice and decency. It would have been difficult to measure either principles or values independently, as they are loosely defined or undefined. Therefore, we created three empirically analyzable categories: Further explanation may be needed regarding why objectivity, as a criterion, does not consist of the value of objectivity while verification does.

A comprehensive category cannot be defined by itself — there must be sub-indicators. Some of these sub-indicators may be present among other comprehensive categories and this is not a logical failure. Sub-in- dicators define qualitative parameters of a comprehensive category. Each comprehensive category should stand independently as an analytical tool.

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In other words, sub-indicators define the aims of the specific comprehen- sive category. Each comprehensive category has its specific aims which are reflected in their sub-indicators, and which in turn are strictly based on the Journalists Code of Ethics.

Firstly, under objectivity we analyzed whether the media gave space to all parties involved. Did they show any signs of bias? The methodologi- cal problem generally observed in a large number of articles involved two separate issues: This calls into ques- tion the official concept of journalistic objectivity.

It is simply not possible for the media to contact all of the actors involved in a given story. Sometimes, it may not even be clear who all the interested parties are. The main differing views should be given due weight in the period in which the controversy is active. Indeed, this was also revealed in our analysis of newspaper coverage.

Gustáv Murín

Newspapers, by and large, did not regard the reporting on a case as a set of various isolated stories, but as a total of interconnected pieces — with single issues included as part of the whole.

Thus, we present the results with this caveat; the coding methodology ob- viously used an article as an analytical unit. Secondly, verification of the facts refers to the whole process of ob- taining sources.

How did the journalists and media verify their informa- tion? Usually, information is verified by the use of at least two mutually independent sources Art. However, the reality is that the use of two sources may not be sufficient, as they may not necessarily confirm one another or speak about the details of the same issue in an article. Clearly, the accused persons and institutions denied all accusations — this is understandable, even obvious. Thirdly, journalists and the media are always, with some legal and ethical exceptions which must be mentioned, obliged to state the source of information Art.

Did the media mention the source of informa- tion? For example, when the main source mentioned a wire-tap agency, we do not expect other sources to be mentioned in the article.

Once again, and as with many corruption stories, a pertinent problem identified with the Gorilla case was the inability of the main witness, former SIS the Slovakian Intelligence Service agent, to speak openly. The first known holder of the file, Tom Nicholson, refused to state its source and the original audio recordings were also not available.

We did not find any studies which discussed the above-mentioned methodological issues related to the quantitative and qualitative analysis of media coverage of large-scale corruption under these unique and, per- haps at the same time, typical circumstances. Therefore, we had to develop and use a new indicator related to the verification of events by witnesses, which we called confirmation.

In this particular scandal, and generally in crime- or corruption-related scandals, key actors usually deny any ac- cusations. Therefore, we were not only interested in whether the media provided information according to their internal standards, we addition- ally questioned whether readers realized the importance of the informa- tion — despite the fact that it was still ambiguous — correctly.

In other words, our study relates correlation but not necessarily causation partial media capture to a single case-specific , but extremely relevant, situation of partial state capture. The media was free and inter- ested in reporting on many other cases of large-scale corruption, but those who knew about the case initially decided, voluntarily and individually, not to report on it.

This is not to say that all of the media reported on all other large-scale corruption cases. This in itself suggests the high social and political relevance of the case for the media.

This case of partial media capture was allegedly caused by strict legislation, which seems to be only a half-truth at best. These legal regulations including regu- lations of the procedural type, in the case of wiretapped materials were later used by the rich and influential to prevent the media from overly specific or allegedly critical one-sided reporting on the case. These real legal threats at the national level , as it turned out, provide some justi- fication for the media silence about the scandalous information, despite the fact that some had access to incriminating information which was not officially verified.

Our further analy- ses suggest possible media timidity in making their initial decision to ignore what turned out to be the most important corruption scandal in the history of Slovakia. Consequently, we argue that it was not the case that most journalists working for prominent newspapers simply decided to be law-abiding citizens: it was rather timidity which guided their actions. This overly timid approach by journalists who knew about the Gorilla file provides an ideal illustration of partial media capture.

The sub-case of Pravda is an example of an even more peculiar case of media capture, and is placed in a chronological context after the publication of the file on the internet.

Content analysis of coverage in newspapers in this case study main- ly focused on printed versions of selected newspapers. However, he did not men- tion SIS files as its source. Al- though many Slovak dailies and weekly magazines reported on the case, and some are mentioned throughout the study, the general comparison of the overall output covers only these three dailies due to their reputable po- sition and publicly respected status among the major Slovak newspapers.

Their credibility for reporting on the Gorilla case is therefore ques- tionable by definition, and they are not included in the study. The other electronic and digital media, including the news channel TA3, were not included in our analysis due to the lack of original recorded audiovisual or audio sources. Moreover, this type of analysis is very time consuming. Our analysis focused on the period between the time of the publishing of the first article on the Gorilla case in these print media shortly before Christmas , after the Gorilla transcripts appeared on the internet , and the end of January The sufficiency of the period selected for analysis is seemingly justified by the fact that, by February , the press was filled with messages related to the parliamentary election cam- paigns election day was March 10, The analyses were conducted by two researchers independently, before reaching a final consensus to level out disagreements.

Obviously, humans make errors, even experts sometimes do not share the same opinions, and face-to-face consultations were deemed necessary.

However, differences and disagreements could not have impacted the overall results and ob- served trends. We did not perform the reliability test, as it was not found necessary for such a small sample and minor differences. Other method- ological issues were deemed more important, such as those regarding the criteria and categories to use for the assessment of media coverage, and we found many issues challenging, although they were apparently often ignored in similar content analyses.

Consequently, we established a set of qualitative criteria for the analysis of the quality and professionalism of the coverage of the Gorilla case by selected media outlets. There- 4 There are various codes of ethics and other professional-ethical guidelines in the media sector, but this one is used by the Press Council of the Slovak Republic as de facto binding for all the journalists and the media. Additionally, the Fundamental Values include personal freedom, justice and decency.

It would have been difficult to measure either principles or values independently, as they are loosely defined or undefined. Therefore, we created three empirically analyzable categories: objec- tivity, meaning fair treatment of all parties includes justice and decency, impartiality, balance, honesty, truthfulness, responsibility , verification of the facts includes objectivity, honesty, truthfulness, responsibility, scru- pulous fact-checking and stating sources includes impartiality, balance, objectivity, honesty, truthfulness, responsibility.

Further explanation may be needed regarding why objectivity, as a criterion, does not consist of the value of objectivity while verification does. A comprehensive category cannot be defined by itself — there must be sub-indicators. Some of these sub-indicators may be present among other comprehensive categories and this is not a logical failure.

gustav murin gorily v podsveti pdf

Sub-in- dicators define qualitative parameters of a comprehensive category. Each comprehensive category should stand independently as an analytical tool. In other words, sub-indicators define the aims of the specific comprehen- sive category. Each comprehensive category has its specific aims which are reflected in their sub-indicators, and which in turn are strictly based on the Journalists Code of Ethics. Firstly, under objectivity we analyzed whether the media gave space to all parties involved.

Did they show any signs of bias? The methodologi- cal problem generally observed in a large number of articles involved two separate issues: either no space was given to the accused persons, or they were not interested or unavailable to comment.

This calls into ques- tion the official concept of journalistic objectivity. It is simply not possible for the media to contact all of the actors involved in a given story. Sometimes, it may not even be clear who all the interested parties are. The main differing views should be given due weight in the period in which the controversy is active.

Indeed, this was also revealed in our analysis of newspaper coverage. Newspapers, by and large, did not regard the reporting on a case as a set of various isolated stories, but as a total of interconnected pieces — with single issues included as part of the whole. Thus, we present the results with this caveat; the coding methodology ob- viously used an article as an analytical unit.

Secondly, verification of the facts refers to the whole process of ob- taining sources. How did the journalists and media verify their informa- tion? Usually, information is verified by the use of at least two mutually independent sources Art.

However, the reality is that the use of two sources may not be sufficient, as they may not necessarily confirm one another or speak about the details of the same issue in an article. Clearly, the accused persons and institutions denied all accusations — this is understandable, even obvious. Thirdly, journalists and the media are always, with some legal and ethical exceptions which must be mentioned, obliged to state the source of information Art. Did the media mention the source of informa- tion?

For example, when the main source mentioned a wire-tap agency, we do not expect other sources to be mentioned in the article. Once again, and as with many corruption stories, a pertinent problem identified with the Gorilla case was the inability of the main witness, former SIS the Slovakian Intelligence Service agent, to speak openly.

The first known holder of the file, Tom Nicholson, refused to state its source and the original audio recordings were also not available. We did not find any studies which discussed the above-mentioned methodological issues related to the quantitative and qualitative analysis of media coverage of large-scale corruption under these unique and, per- haps at the same time, typical circumstances.

gustav murin gorily v podsveti pdf - PDF Files

Therefore, we had to develop and use a new indicator related to the verification of events by witnesses, which we called confirmation. In this particular scandal, and generally in crime- or corruption-related scandals, key actors usually deny any ac- cusations. Therefore, we were not only interested in whether the media provided information according to their internal standards, we addition- ally questioned whether readers realized the importance of the informa- tion — despite the fact that it was still ambiguous — correctly.

Therefore, we checked whether a person had confirmed statements in the Gorilla file, at least partly, or denied all accusations.

Finally, two general journalistic issues were of interest to us; the total coverage, including all articles dealing with the case except commen- taries , and the location of reports on the front page.

The analyzed data showed certain clear general trends in the media coverage of the Gorilla scandal after considering these issues. It should be mentioned that we conducted interviews with former editors-in-chief. According to Mungiu-Pippidi , p. For comparative purposes and the enhancement of knowledge, we selectively utilized two other available analyses on this topic.

Moreover, we should mention all previ- ous studies on this topic, even when they are perceived as unreliable. How did the Gorilla story come to public attention? The file however, became publicly known only six years after it had become known to selected state authorities between and The lengthy document emerged via an international website, with summaries of quasi-transcripts of private conversations between some top and lower level public and private figures, shortly before Christmas in These conversations were accidentally recorded in and in an apartment, and the first civilian who came into contact with the file was probably Tom Nicholson, a British-Canadian journalist naturalized in Slovakia.

In , Nicholson tried to contact the media and the police with the information, but editors from newspaper Sme and business weekly Trend did not dare to publish this information since there was no other evidence. Meanwhile, the police started to deal with the case in two independent investigations. The leakage of the file on the internet represents another important issue.However, this suspicion may not have been caused by the presence of the criminal groups in the respective countries.

Moreover, we should mention all previ- ous studies on this topic, even when they are perceived as unreliable.

The Pruszkow mafia has been involved in a wide range of activities, from protection rackets, kidnappings, and legalising stolen vehicles to smuggling alcohol and cigarettes and production of amphetamines. Moreover, the ECHR accepts that allegations against individuals or public figures do not have to be ini- tially proven in criminal proceedings Voorhoof, , pp.

It is impossible to tackle all of them here, nevertheless, the sheer number of these research questions suggests the failure of political science, while ignoring this case. We explain these specifics only where they are crucial for understanding the context.

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